IKATAN KELUARGA BERDASARKAN KEADILAN ADAT SUKU BUNAK

Pe. Beny Mali, SVD

Ikatan suami dan isteri dalam suku Bunak melahirkan anak-anaknya. Anak ini berasal dari darah dan daging ayah dan ibu. Dalam paradigma adat suku Bunak, dalam hukum adat suku Bunak, anak-anak masuk dalam suku mama. Anak-anak tidak menjadi anggota suku Bapak atau ayah. Paradigma dan hukum adat ini lahir dari system kekerabatan matrilineal yang dianut oleh suku Bunak sampai hari ini.

Ikatan antara anak dengan keluarga besar ayah dapat berakhir dengan kepergian ayah menuju rumah sang pencipta. Ada ikatan pun tidak seakrab ketika ayah masih ada. Ikatan keakraban itu juga akan mulai semakin renggang di saat ibu telah tiada. Pernyataan-pernyataan keluarga ayah bahwa dengan kepergian ibu ke pangkuan sang pencipta, menipisnya tanggungjawab ayah terhadap anak-anak dan urusan peradatan di suku mama, memperlebar renggangnya antara keluarga anak-anak dengan keluarga besar ayah.

Ada sinyal yang kuat sekali bahwa selama anak-anak dari ayah mendatangkan income bagi keluarga besar ayah, maka keluarga besar ayah semakin merapat membangun keterikatan yang kokoh dengan anak-anak. Sebaliknya anak-anak dan pihak keluarga besar ibu mendatangkan beban tanggungjawab adat kepada keluarga besar ayah maka keluarga besar ayah semakin menghindar dan semakin menjauh dari anak-anak dan keluarga besar ibu.

Keluarga anak-anak semakin menampakkan sinar keberhasilan dalam kehidupan dan keluarga ayah semakin melemah, maka keluarga ayah semakin membangun strategi adat untuk semakin merapat kepada anak-anak dengan motivasi agar usia senja keluarga ayah diperhatikan dan adat-adat kematian dari pihak ayah akan dibebankan dan ditanggung anak-anak. Ikatan itu dibangun dan diciptakan lewat memberikan sepotong tanah, atau seekor sapi atau seekor babi, dan itu adalah ikatan adat sepanjang zaman.

Ikatan itu disebut “akel goon” dalam adat suku Bunak. Ikatan itu akan berkelanjutan sampai tujuh keturunan. Ikatan yang didasarkan perhitungan untung dan rugi dari pihak keluarga besar ayah ini merupakan satu titik adat suku Bunak yang kurang menarik perhatian dalam paradigma “pemberian tanpa pamrih” atau “pengorbanan” dari pihak keluarga ayah dan keluarga besar ayah.

Dalam pikiran pribadi, orang tua baik dari pihak ayah maupun dari pihak ibu sama-sama mempunyai pertanggungjawaban yang adil sejak dalam rahim sampai mati. Keberhasilan diraih bergandengan tangan, keberhasilan dinikmati bersama dan beban hidup termasuk beban adat ditanggung bersama secara bergandengan tangan dari keluarga besar ayah dan keluarga besar ibu, dalam paradigma keadilan. Sang pencipta menghendaki demikian. Namun suku Bunak selama ini menyerahkan perjuangan orang tua untuk membuat anak-anaknya berhasil, setelah berhasil, anak-anak itu yang telah berhasil menjadi milik keluarga besar.

Suku Bunak tidak mau berkorban meraih keberhasilan generasi muda Suku Bunak, hanya membuka lapangan hati suku Bunak untuk menikmati hasil perjuangan segelintir orang. Pandangan meraih cita-cita adalah tanggungjawab bersama dan hasilnya adalah milik bersama, harus ditanamkan dalam hati, pikiran setiap anggota Suku Bunak demi kebaikan dan kesejahteraan suku Bunak. Suku Bunak sadar akan hal ini maka suku Bunak Bisa Maju. ***

Keunikan Belis Gadis Suku Bunak

Pe. Beny Mali, SVD

Ada banyak teman yang berpacaran dengan gadis-gadis suku bangsa Bunaq. Teman-teman itu ada yang berasal dari suku Bunaq, ada juga yang berasal dari luar suku Bunaq. Beberapa teman itu terpaksa mengakhiri pacaran dengan gadis suku Bunaq karena belis gadis suku bangsa Bunaq mahal. Mereka takut tidak mampu membayar belis/mahar gadis suku Bunaq.

Laki-laki suku Bunaq yang pergi menuntut ilmu di luar suku Bunaq, di luar pulau Timor yang dikenal dengan nama besar sebagai pulau cendana itu, misalnya laki-laki suku Bunaq yang menuntut ilmu di Pulau Jawa, khususnya di Jakarta, di Surabaya, di Semarang dan di Jogja, atau misalnya laki-laki suku Bunaq yang meninggalkan pulau cendana ke Pulau Dewata-Bali atau pulau Jawa, enggan kembali ke ibu pertiwi Suku Bangsa Bunaq, untuk menikahi seorang gadis suku bangsa Bunaq karena belis gadis suku Bunaq lebih mahal, di bandingkan dengan gadis-gadis yang mereka jumpai di Pulau Jawa dan pulau dewata.

Pada suatu kali, seorang pemuda suku Bunaq di Jakarta, yang mengadu nasib di Ibu Kota Negara-Jakarta mengatakan demikian : " Saya telah memutuskan masuk ke dalam PSIJ. PSIJ singkatan dari Persatuan Semua Isteri Jawa. Istilah ini terkenal di telinga putera Pulau Cendana yang mempunyai isteri yang berasal dari Pulau Jawa. Maksudku, setelah sekian tahun lamanya bekerja di Jakarta, saya tidak ingin kembali ke kampung halaman, tetapi saya memutuskan menikahi seorang gadis yang berasal dari pulau Jawa. Kembali ke ibu pertiwi suku Bunaq, dan nikah dengan seorang gadis suku Bunaq, belisnya mahal, setelah menikah dengan gadis yang berasal dari suku Bunak, diikat oleh berbagai adat yang tidak efektif dan efisien dalam pelaksanaannya, bukan menjadi mimpi saya. Nikah dengan gadis Jawa khan, belis tidak mahal. Bahkan tidak ada belis seperti suku Bunag". Komentar itu terekam di telinga penulis, ketika penulis berada di Jakarta, pada tanggal 15 Januari 2006 di Soverdi St.Yosef Matraman, tepat perayaan St. Arnoldus Janssen, pendiri Serikat Sabda Allah. Komentar-komentar yang bernada sama, juga keluar dari para mahasiswa asal pulau Cendana di Jogjakarta, di Surabaya dan Malang kota bunga. Kesan penulis bahwa komentar-komentar itu terungkap secara spontan, tetapi bisa juga kata-kata itu sudah dipertimbangkan secara matang sebelumnya. Yang jelas bahwa ungkapan-ungakapan atau komentar- komentar demikian, sangat dipengaruhi oleh adat belis gadis suku Bunaq yang menurut para komentator itu belis suku Bunak itu sangat mahal, bila dilihat dari segi ekonomisnya saja.

Belis gadis perawan suku Bunaq mahal. Memang pada umumnya demikian. Harga atau belis atau mahar gadis suku Bunaq dewasa ini semuanya telah diuangkan atau dirupiahkan. Pada umumnya, belis gadis perawan suku Bunaq berkisar 8 sampai 15 Juta rupiah. Mahalnya belis gadis perawan berbangsa Suku Bunaq seperti itu, bukan suatu keputusan sepihak. Tetapi semahal apapun, belis gadis perawan suku Bunaq itu, diawali suatu dialog adat antara presiden suku atau ketua suku pihak bakal calon suami dengan pihak presiden suku atau ketua suku serta keluarga bakal calon isteri. Semacam ada tawar-menawar harga belis gadis perawan suku bunaq itu, sampai kedua belah pihak setuju pada penentuan final harga belis gadis perawan suku bangsa Bunaq yang akan hidup sebagai suami-isteri. Dialog itu akhirnya tidak mencapai kata seia-sekata, maka pihak laki-laki akan membatalkan rencananya untuk menikahi gadis yang bakal menjadi isterinya itu.

Kalau kata seia-sekata antara pihak laki-laki dengan pihak perempuan tentang besarnya jumlah belis gadis perawan suku Bunaq, maka bagaimana proses pembayaran belis gadis perawan suku Bunaq itu? Siapa-siapa yang membayar belis gadis perawan itu? Belis gadis perawan suku Bunaq, khususnya di Desa Aitoun-Kecamatan Rai Hat, akan dibayar oleh seluruh anggota sesuku pemuda yang akan menikahi gadis tersebut. Bahkan, belis itu dibayar juga oleh teman-teman pemuda yang akan menikah, karena soal relasi, sahabat dekat, teman sekerja, walaupun bukan sesuku dengan pemuda yang akan menikah gadis itu. Bahkan juga yang ikut membayar belis gadis yang akan dinikahi pemuda itu, termasuk suku-suku yang menjadi asal-usul suku pemuda yang menikahi gadis itu. Proses pembayaran belis gadis perawan suku Bunaq demikian. Misalnya kalau, total belis gadis perawan suku Bunaq yang telah disetujui setelah tawar menawar antara presiden suku atau ketua suku laki-laki dengan presiden suku atau ketua suku gadis perawan adalah 15 Juta Rupiah. Presiden suku atau ketua suku dari pihak Laki-laki akan membagikan beban pembayaran atau tanggungan bayar belis itu kepada seluruh anggota suku berdasarkan hubungan kedekatan. Pemuda yang akan menikah gadis itu, tanggung satu Juta rupiah. Setiap saudara-saudari kandung pemuda itu, tanggung lima ratus ribu rupiah. Mereka yang berstatus Om dalam suku pemuda itu, tanggung duaratus lima puluh ribu tiap pribadi yang bersatus Om. Dan seterusnya, presiden suku atau ketua suku laki-laki akan mengatur sedemikian rupa, agar setiap anggota sesuku pemuda itu, mengumpulkan uang sebesar seharga belis gadis perawan yang telah disepakati dan diterima. Presiden menghitung seluruh anggota sukunya agar pengumpulan uang oleh anggota suku itu mencapai harga belis gadis yang telah disepakati.

Melihat harga belis gadis perawan suku Bunaq yang demikian, proses pengumpulan uang yang demikian, maka sebetulnya, belis gadis perawan suku Bunaq tidak mahal. Karena proses pengumpulan itu, mencerminkan kekompakan anggota suku. Kerja sama anggota suku. Dalam sebuah perkawinan intern, perempuan suku Bunaq dengan laki-laki suku Bunaq sesungguhnya belis itu tidak mahal.

Kecuali, pemuda dari luar suku Bunaq yang hendak menikahi gadis perawan suku Bunaq, mengikuti adat belis suku Bunaq, maka keluarga pemuda yang berasal dari luar suku Bunak akan merasa sangat berat dalam membayar belis gadis yang bersuku bunak yang akan menjadi isteri pemuda dari luar suku Bunak tersebut. Prinsipnya pemuda dari luar suku Bunaq yang telah jatuh cinta pada gadis perawan suku bunaq, yang telah dikuasai oleh cinta dan sulit melepaskan gadis perawan suku Bunaq, pasti melewati proses dialog-tawar menawar belis antara keluarga pemuda dengan keluarga gadis. Dialog itu akan berakhir dengan kesepakatan bersama kedua belah pihak dalam menentukan besarnya belis gadis perawan yang akan dinikahi pemuda dari luar suku Bunaq. Proses pembayarannya pun bisa dibicarakan dan disepakati, misalnya pembayaran belis secara bertahap, atau bayar sekali di awal pernikahan mereka. Semuanya bukan suatu paksaan, tetapi suatu kesepakatan bersama.

Penulis melihat belis gadis perawan suku Bunaq bukan sebagai suatu beban. Penulis melihat itu sebagai satu tanggungjawab pemuda yang akan menikah. Pemuda yang akan menikah, telah dinilai mampu untuk menjadi bapa atau ayah sekaligus sebagai suami yang dapat bertanggungjawab terhadap keluarga, adat dalam suku buna, dan relasi sosial dalam masyarakat suku Bunaq. Selain itu proses pembayaran belis gadis perawan suku Bunaq yang melibatkan seluruh anggota sesuku pemuda yang akan menikah, menunjukkan satu ikatan tanggungjawab moral si pemuda yang akan menikah, bahwa pemuda itu harus mencintai dan setia pada isterinya dalam suka maupun duka. Pemuda yang akan menjadi suami itu harus mempertahankan kehidupan keluarganya itu dengan penuh tanggungjawab terhadap seluruh anggota sesuku. Pemuda itu dinasihati presiden suku atau ketua suku, bahwa dia harus menjalankan tugas dan tanggungjawabnya kepada isteri dan anak-anaknya, sampai mati. Dia tidak boleh cerai dan meninggalkan anak-anaknya. Anggota suku pemuda itu hanya sekali membayar belis gadis yang telah dinikahinya. Kalau pemuda itu cerai dan hendak menikahi gadis yang lain, itu urusan pribadi, dan bahkan perkawinan itu tidak direstui oleh presiden suku atau ketua suku dengan seluruh anggota sukunya.

Suami isteri harus setia satu sama lain sampai mati salah satunya. Mereka harus menjadi orang tua yang bertanggungjawab satu terhadap yang lain, dan terhadap anak-anak, serta setia pada tata aturan adat suku isteri maupun suku suami. Menjadi orang tua dalam suku Bunaq, secara adat, memiliki keterikatan oleh tanggungjawab dan kewajiban dalam kehidupan suku Bangsa Bunaq.****

Japan Stands by Apology to Its Wartime Sex Slaves

By MARTIN FACKLER 

TOKYO ­ Moving to defuse a heated diplomatic dispute over World War II-era history, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe said on Friday that his government would not revise a landmark 1993 apology to women forced to work in Japanese military brothels.

It was the first time since taking office more than a year ago that Mr. Abe has explicitly stated that his right-wing administration would uphold the official apology, known as the Kono Statement. That statement, issued by Yohei Kono, then the chief cabinet secretary, admitted that Japan’s military played at least an indirect role in forcing the so-called comfort women to provide sex to Japanese soldiers.

“I am deeply pained to think of the comfort women who experienced immeasurable pain and suffering, a feeling I share equally with my predecessors,” Mr. Abe told Parliament. Referring to the Kono Statement, the prime minister said, “The Abe cabinet has no intention to review it.”

Mr. Abe also stated that his administration would uphold a broader apology that the Japanese government issued in 1995 to all victims of Japan’s early 20th-century militarism. Previously, he had spoken in more general terms of the suffering that Japan had caused, and of continuing the position of previous governments on historical issues.

Friday’s statements were among the firmest expressions yet by Mr. Abe that he will adhere to a more moderate line on the emotional historical issues dividing Asia, after concerns that his government may be embracing more apologetic views of Japan’s wartime past. The statements also showed Mr. Abe to be distancing himself from his views before becoming prime minister, when he publicly questioned whether Japan’s imperial military had actually coerced the women, a doubt shared by many Japanese nationalists.

What was less clear was why he waited so long to reaffirm those apologies. Since Mr. Abe took office in December 2012, people close to him have described a constant tug of war in his administration between his moderate advisers, including many former elite civil servants, and his longtime supporters on the political far right, who want him to push back against what they call overly negative views of Japan’s wartime behavior.

Japanese officials suggested that the statements might be part of an effort by Mr. Abe to mend relations with South Korea and to persuade President Park Geun-hye of South Korea to meet him this month on the sidelines of a multinational nuclear security summit meeting in the Netherlands. Ms. Park has so far refused to meet with Mr. Abe until he shows a more remorseful attitude toward Japan’s brutal colonization of the Korean Peninsula.

Mr. Abe’s previous appeals to end what he calls masochistic views of Japan’s history had raised concerns among South Korea and other former victims of Japanese aggression that his administration would seek to whitewash his nation’s wartime atrocities. Even before he took office, American officials warned Mr. Abe that any perceived historical revisionism could isolate Japan at a time when the United States needed its largest Asian ally to help face the challenge of a resurgent China.

Political analysts said they doubted Friday’s statements would be enough to appease Ms. Park, and that Mr. Abe’s real target may be the United States, with whom he has sought to build close ties.

“Seoul continues to harbor the suspicion that the Abe government harbors revisionist views regarding Japan’s history of imperialism and colonial domination,” Thomas Berger, an expert on international relations at Boston University, said in an email.

While Mr. Abe avoided provocative statements during the first year of his current administration, he and his followers have more recently seemed to revert to a more openly nationalistic agenda. This began in late December, when Mr. Abe visited a controversial Tokyo shrine to Japan’s war dead, including 14 executed Class A war criminals, just days after Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. urged him by phone not to go.

Tensions over history with South Korea increased sharply last month, when the current chief cabinet secretary, Yoshihide Suga, said the Abe government would review the testimony of 16 women compelled to work in the military brothels that was used in compiling the 1993 apology. Mr. Suga was responding to growing calls from nationalist lawmakers to scrap the apology, which they say is based on insufficient evidence and unjustly defames the soldiers who died for Japan during the war.

While most historians agree that Japan forced 80,000 to 200,000 women to work in a network of wartime brothels, some nationalist scholars in Japan say the women were just common prostitutes.

Revising the apology would be certain to stir further outrage in South Korea, where many of the women came from, and which has called for Japan to make a stronger show of remorse while the last of the former brothel workers, now in their 80s and 90s, are still alive.

On Friday, Mr. Abe appeared to be trying to set to rest concerns that he would change or even scrap the Kono Statement. Japanese officials also expressed confidence that his comments would allay concerns in Washington and elsewhere that Mr. Abe was sliding into a more emotionally right-wing agenda.

“We must be humble in front of history,” Mr. Abe told lawmakers. “The issues of history should not be politicized or be turned into a diplomatic issue. Research on history should be entrusted to experts and historians.”

A version of this article appears in print on March 15, 2014, on page A11 of the New York edition with the headline: Japan Stands by Apology to Its Wartime Sex Slaves.

Lian Tetun ne’ebé dalaruma temi ka hakerek la loos...

Liafuan Tetun ne’ebé bai-bain ema temi ka hakerek la tuir ortográfika ne’ebé los.

Problema    = la’os ‘porlema’, ‘proglema’ ka ‘porglema’. Atu fo hanoin deit, liafuan ne’e mai husi lian Portugés ‘problema’

Presiza         =  laos perjija, perjisa, persisa, perjija no seluk-seluk tan (nsst)

Amu Bispu = la’os Amu Bisku

Ezije              = la’os ijiji, ijizi, izizi

Goza              = la’os goja (adopta husi Portugés ‘gozar’)

Meza             = la’os meja (Ida ne’e ita sei bele diskuti, tamba balu dehan ita adopta husi Lian Indonesia ‘meja’, maibé tuir ortografika tetun, meza ne’e adopta husi lian Portuguese ‘mesa’.

               

Nota: letra S ne’ebé iha lian Portuguese iha entre vogal rua nia leet, ita muda sai Z iha lian Tetun.

Ezemplu: preciSa = presiZa (S iha entre vogal i ho a, iha tetum sai Z), coiSa = koiZa, atraSado = atraZadu, uSa = uZa, meSa = meZa, reSolve = reZolve, nsst.

               

Atu kompara deit, liafuan ne’ebé iha Tetun ita modifika ba J, mak lia-fuan ne’ebé iha lian inisiu Portugés uza letra G.

Ezemplu: Diriji, jerente, vantajen, marjinal (Iha lian Portugés uza letra G; dirigir, gerente, vantagem, marginal)

Keta haluha iha mos liafuan balu uza nanis tiha ona letra J iha Portugés hanesan ajuda, janela, jornal. Ba hirak ne’e, ita adopta tomak deit sein halo modifikasaun ruma.

Tan ne’e, tetun lolós la’os MEJA no UJA maibe MEZA no UZA

Nota atu lembra
Karik iha liafuan inisial Portugés uza S entre vogal rua, iha tetun sai Z la’os J
Karik iha liafun inisial Portugés uza G antes vogal ruma, iha tetun modifika sai J

Hau fiar sei iha lia-fuan seluk tan mak ita sei koalia la tuir ortografika tetun ne’ebé los. Hein katak ita bele hadiak neneik no bebeik atu loron ida iha ona padraun ida loos.

Loron diak,

Billito Soares

Importance of Maritime Security for East Timor

By Xanana Gusmao

If we want to address the issue of security and stability in the South China Sea and elsewhere, we are talking about common borders, common threats and common challenges.

And when we discuss all these problems, we all assume that everyone of us is governed by international law, without which relationships between states and governments cannot be carried out within a framework of rules, set and accepted by all. These rules seek to shape our political behavior in terms of cooperation.

Without establishing this set of principles, to which all of us bow, which is to say that we all vow to enforce it, talking about maritime security and stability would be talking about very vague and general policy issues, while this subject is linked directly with the individual interests of each country.

In many cases that divide countries, it is plain to see there is a practice of double standards, usually by those that have more means to spend on propaganda, on alienation and on the pursuit of interests that exceed their rights and breach the interests of others. More often than not, demagogy covers the attempts against the values to which we all are committed.

Only a sound basis of respect for international law can rule cooperative relationships between neighbors and within a regional context. Otherwise, there will always be an environment of distrust causing frictions and leading to warnings and responses to those warnings, which may lead to confrontations.

This situation causes apprehension to those who have little or nothing to do with the problems, since it may lead to possible political, social and economic impacts that will always disturb states, particularly when they are having difficulties in their development processes.

Today, maritime security covers large- and small-scale activities.

We understand that a trend in our region is to protect commercial maritime interest, amid rising regional tensions and according to defense analysts, maritime surveillance is the most pressing need in East and Southeast Asia.

In our opinion, maritime cooperation would have a meaning of more deterrence, if we want to put it like that.

East Timor is an island country (better yet, a half-island country). As such, the sea is of paramount importance when discussing the country’s security strategy.

East Timor loses over $50 million a year in illegal fishing. My government is also concerned with the security of it’s future petroleum exploration facilities in the sea. As such, East Timor wants to strengthen it’s maritime component to put an end to illegal fishing and to protect its interests and the investments it has.

The strengthening of the maritime police and the naval component, through providing them with proper resources, will surely increase certainty and confidence in regard to our country’s maritime security.

East Timor, which has only been an independent state for the past 12 years, is therefore prioritizing it’s needs, from the human capacity building to the construction of the necessary facilities.

In addition to this, it is obvious that having adequate means, in our exclusive economic zones, will enable us to participate in fighting the trafficking of arms and drugs as well as illegal trade.

East Timor is currently in the process to joining the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. As small as my country is, we do not harbor illusions of grandeur that we will make enormous contributions to the region’s maritime security. However, we recognize the need for active cooperation with all who are close to our maritime borders.

Here, I should say that we are talking with Indonesia in relation to the islands closest to us, and with Australia in relation to the Northern Territory, in order to draft an agreement on an integrated development plan.

Fortunately, everything suggests that there is enormous goodwill from all parties, which are motivated by the perspective of broader cooperation that results in concrete benefits for the people.

Evidently, maritime security will be very important in an area that we may call an economic, social and cultural sub-region. However, in order for this cooperation to be honest and serious, it is vital that we determine the maritime borders between countries, under international law, in a clear manner without subterfuges of any kind.

It is truly offensive to see how some countries, because they are large, wealthy or heavily armed, are always the ones that are more unfair to their neighbors, particularly when those neighbors are small and poor.

International law is always invoked, in the pronouncements made in relation to other countries. But international law is simply relegated or forgotten, when it is to ensure major economic benefits at the expense of the principle of fair policy and of the universal values of equal rights and obligations between people and nations.

As a new country that is still consolidating state institutions and where most people still lack the minimum conditions for living healthy lives, we can only raise our voice to make sure that there must be true justice in the world, particularly in this new millennium.

We only became a full-fledged member of the United Nations in September 2002, while many other countries signed the UN Charter in 1945, when the organization was created and, from time to time, it happens that they are called for relevant positions, including in the Security Council.

In a way, we only can get confused and stunned thinking about how international law may prevail when the ones who do not respect it, would be the ones making decisions in these important world bodies. The intricate reasons of the Cold War have now led to a sophisticated culture of manipulation and fraud, seeking to alienate the unwary and the unprepared.

I have to say, once for all, that we are and will always be committed to standing for the truth, with the same spirit we had, in the past, when many believed that East Timor was a lost cause. We will stand for our rights with the same faith and determination, in order to contribute to justice between nations and better understanding between people.

And we believe that the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea should play an effective role in solving the differences.

For a country as small as mine, talking about maritime security, whether in terms of joint exercises or information sharing, will never solve and may even permanently hinder the vital issue of the delimitation of the maritime borders.

It is fundamental to us, more so when neighbors buy drones to secure their ocean resources and protect their borders.

We firmly believe in the motto “times change, wills change.” I would like to quote the former US secretary of state for defense, Robert Gates, who, in an honest way of putting things in regard to a different matter, acknowledged “the lack of humility to accept there was no forecast on the negative consequences,” resulting from decisions made only to display arrogance and power.

Globalization binds small countries and makes them hostage to their own weaknesses, when competing in the global market. However, globalization also presents valuable opportunities, when properly considered, for small countries to denounce the lack of good faith by the large countries, the lack of honesty by the powerful countries and the policy of manipulation by the rich countries.

Let the effort in fighting transnational crimes not allow other interests, particularly in terms of economic dominance, to cast a shade over the relationships between countries and the cooperation that should exist between nations.

Xanana Gusmao is the prime minister of East Timor. This article is based on his speech at the Jakarta International Defense Dialogue on March 19.

source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/opinion/importance-maritime-security-east-timor/

Oinsa atu hakerek Curriculum Vitae ida diak, lori posibilidade tama ba "Short-list"

Karik ita husu, tamba sa mak ita tenki prepara Curriculum Vitae (CV) ka resume, ninia resposta mak ne'e. Simplesmente, atu fo oportunidade ba ita 'fa'an' ita nia-an, fo hatene saida mak iha (kualifikasaun, abilidade no experiensia) no saida mak ita sei bele halo, karik ita manan ba pozisaun ida ne'e. Tan ne'e nia objetivu ida deit, atu ita bele tama ba lista badak ka bai-bain ema temi Short-list. Maibe maluk sira rona ona kolega balu ka experiensia rasik katak dala barak CV ne'ebe ita hatama la lori ita ba short list. Ida ne'e halo ita frustadu no halo espekulasaun oi-oin. 

Atu habadak hakerek ida ne'e, hau atu dehan deit, iha razaun barak mak ita la tama shortlist, maibe tuir hau nia hanoin, kuandu ita iha kualifikasaun, experiensia adekuadu no mos abilidade lubuk ida, maibe la tama nafatin shortlist, parese ita nia CV mak la dun diak karik.

Hau koko hatudu iha ne’e CV nebé ladun diak, no nebé mak diak hodi explika mos tamba sa ida seluk diak no ida fali la diak. Ho esforsu uitoan, ita bele bele kria CV ida nebé diak no halo ema hakarak le ita nia CV hodi konsidera ita tama ba shortlist. Karik la diak, hau bele dehan katak, haré deit pajina dahuluk husi ita nia CV, ema baruk tiha ona, sa tan kuandu sira tenki ta’es aplikasaun nebé tama to’o 200 (por ezemplu) ba vaga ida deit.

Atu lalika dada lia, haré ezemplu ida iha kraik ne’e.

Husu ba ita nia-an, karik ita mak halao selesaun ba dokumentus 200 ba pozisaun ida (ezemplu finansa, nebé presiza ema hatene mos sistema finansa komputerizadu), ita konsidera CV hanesan ida iha leten ne’e? Hau koko tau modelu ida ne’e, tamba koalia lolos deit, hau haré no simu bebeik modelu hanesan ne’e iha hau nia experiensia iha Timor. Ida ne’e modelu ida antigu los ona no ema kopia, passa no fahe ba malu ho gratuita. Fasil maibé la reprezenta ita nia-an lolós.

Hau nia observasaun husi CV iha leten, mak ne’e:

1. CV ida ne’e alista deit informasaun jerál
2. Iha informasaun hirak nebé la relevante atu tau iha neba. (sexu, relijiaun, uluk eskola SD no SMP iha nebé). Organizasaun la presiza hatene SD no SMP, exceptu ida ne mak ita nia kualifikasaun ikus, no sst)
3. La atrai ema nebé le. Karik ema ne’e tenki ta’es CV 200, hetan ida hanesan ne’e nia hakat liu le fali CV seluk.
4. Nia la explika lós saida mak ita bele halo. Pior liu tan balu prienxe edukasaun formal parte universidade nian, tau los mak Universidade nia naran la tau nia foti jurusaun saida.
5. Tipikal error ida mos mak kona ba tau edukasaun formal ho non-formal ho modelu ida nebé tinan pasadu sira komesa uluk. (husi SD – SMP – sai tiha nivel aas). Ou iha lista treinamentu, komesa fali husi 2001, depois 2011 ka ida ikus liu, tau liu iha okos.
6. Em jerál, organizasaun la hatene saida mak ema ne’e bele oferese ka bele kontribui karik nia liu.

Se ita nia CV hanesan karik iha leten, parese agora ita husu, ida hanesan nebé mak CV diak? Pergunta diak.

Resposta, laiha estandar ida fixu ba ita, no se deit bele prepara CV ida diak. Ho esforsu no hatene saida mak CV, ita sei halo CV ida nebé atrai tebes organizasaun. Atu nune’e maske iha kompetisaun makaas, ho CV nebé hakerek ho diak, it iha posibilidade ba tama entrevista duke ema nebé iha experiensia no kualifikasaun diak liu ita.

IMPORTANTE mak ne’e, hatene katak CV iha nia objetivu ida deit, atu manan shortlist hodi tama ba entrevista. Tan ne’e CV hanesan iklan ka promosi kona ba ita nia-an. La seluk la leet ida. Hanesan hau dehan, laiha estandar ida fixu, maibé pelu menus, CV nebé diak tuir kriteria sira hanesan tuir mai ne’e (iha kriteria barak, maibé hau tau deit sira nebe relevante ba ita atu labele hanaruk liafuan). Ezemplu ida sei tau iha ikus liu hodi bele kompara diak liu tan ho modelu CV ida antes.

Bureaucratic Authoritarianism in Latin America: re-assessing military's salvation narative

Author – Fidelis M.L Magalhães

BACKGROUND

Authoritarianism is not new to Latin America. After all, almost every country in the region had been under the rule of a number of authoritarian regimes since their independence. Previous authoritarian regimes included liberal and conservative from the mid 1800s and populist from 1930s. Yet, the strand of a new authoritarianism or otherwise referred to as Bureaucratic Authoritarianism (henceforth BA) seemed to capture the interest of many observers of Latin American politics.

Various military generals that came to power under BA claimed that their intervention was needed in order to save the nation from civilian corruption and irresponsible economic policies that plagued the region. They argue that thanks to BA regimes that the region was spared from a total economic and social collapse. For instance, the current success of the Chilean economy is claimed to be a result of General Augusto Pinochet’s good economic policies. This is despite the sentencing of General Jorge Rafael Videla, the ex-Argentinean dictator, to life imprisonment on 22 December, 2010 for his role in waging the “the dirty war” (BBC, 2010). The debate about the legacy of military regimes in Latin America is still ongoing.

It is against this light that this paper seeks to analyze the military’s claims that they fought against endemic civilian corruption and their acts were driven mainly by ethical and moral demands. This paper would like to put to test their claims by assessing corruption within military itself and its impacts on the larger society in the periods preceding and during BA. In so doing, it touches upon the impacts of military cooperation and subsequent professionalization. Hence this paper covers three key issues; a general characterization and political economy of BA regimes, internal corruption within the military in Latin America and lastly the impact of military cooperation in contributing to the establishment of BA.

This paper is organized as follows; first, it defines BA and outlines its general features and point at their differences from the previous populist regimes. Second, it revisits the military’s claim of moral and ethical superiority over civilian politicians. It seeks to analyze corruption within the military itself. Third, it analyzes the contribution of military cooperation in laying the foundations for the creation of BA; and finally, it concludes.